Its Everyones Business

JAN. 17-In what appears to be a general spirit of post-Christmas emotional malaise, most adult Americans have bidden farewell to the Forties and turned with no perceptible enthusiasm toward the Fifties. The dying decade had started amid a phoney war which verged on the romantic, stirred the pulse with excitement and seemed far away. A phoney peace dominates the new decade. The romance is no longer there. Nor is the excitement. Nor is the distance. While most of the world preferred to be chronologically correct and hold off for another year before celebrating the demise of the first half of the twentieth century, the United States with true competitive enterprise and a great whirl of words scurried into the second half a year early. This undue haste might perhaps have been dictated unconsciously by a yearning for the pattern of history to be repeated. For many centuries, ever since Roman times, the second half of most centuries tended to be far more tranquil than the first half. In Washington, Mr. Truman got on both sides of the mid-century line with all the aplomb of a good politician. He told Congress early in January that "the state of the Union continues to be good," as it nears "the midpoint of the twentieth century." Later he spoke of moving forward into the second half of the century. He promised an infinitely better life for everyone, whichever side of the mid-century line, and reaffirmed his prescription toward that end: assistance for small businesses; more houses for the middle-income groups; tougher anti-monopoly laws, retention of rent controls; development of natural resources; better insurance against the hazards of old age, idleness and unemployment; better medical care and education, civil rights legislation; new labor relations law and production payments to support farm incomes. All this was to be coupled with suggestions on how to balance the budget. The bloody and confusing 1940's had brought to most men's minds a fear of the future such as they had not known for centuries, and Mr. Truman's objective is to temper that fear. Only time will tell whether the terminal point of such a philosophy would or would not belie the old English proverb citing inability to both eat and have a cake. Brave words to the contrary, the national budget persisted in sliding off into the red. The smell of further inflation was equally persistent. And just to impart a little more zip to the trend, the American Federation of Labor announced its intention of seeking "substantial" and "large" wage increases this year. The AFL forewarns of a business slump after June and a 10¢ an hr wage in¬crease for each worker "will be enough to reverse the prospective downward trend and start a rise." Thus it goes-"the way to halt a drop in demand for labor is to raise the price of labor." Elsewhere in the harassed world, beleagured individualists in New York achieved a local triumph of sorts for one of the freedoms denied by the Soviet and Nazi systems-the right of escape, some escape at least, from the servitude to decibels. Grand Central Station weakened perceptibly at Christmas on its 5-min commercials and bore down heavily on "Hark, The Herald Angels Sing," and on New Year's Day capitulated entirely by abandoning the broadcasting of canned music and slugs of advertising slogans. In Europe, M. Bidault's Assembly majority fell away and newspaper accounts of the incredible monstrosities of political trials beyond the iron curtain were supplanted by headlines marking the birth of Princess Yasmin. The latter was surrounded by Byzantine splendor but otherwise showed no apparent deviation from the accepted norm. In Western Germany, Dr. Adenauer began to speak up more boldly, and the whole fabric of Allied policy towards the defeated enemy further dossolved under the impact of rivalry with the Russians. In the Far East both the Americans and British seem somewhat embarrassed by Chiang Kai-shek's refusal to lie down. Dual thinking regarding the "squalid and useless struggle in the China seas" is such that newspapers give sympathetic accounts to an American ship running supplies to the Communists at Shanghai while calling for help for the recognized Chinese government in Formosa. And with Britain recognizing Communist China they may well have to team up with Russia against the United States to kick the Chinese representative off the UNO Security Council, the Far Eastern Commission and the Allied Council in Tokyo. Far Eastern policy has never been a bipartisan matter and as General Chiang retreated to his final redoubts in Formosa and Hainan, a number of Republicans pecked away at Administration lassitude. Senator Smith advocated the occupation of Formosa and Messrs. Hoover and Taft asked for use of the Navy. Mr. Acheson has stood firm, however, against military aid. None the less, a study will be made of the Generalissimo's chances. Mr. Truman has a private purse of $75 million for the Far East and some $94 million in frozen ECA funds. Mr. Truman will likely trade some of this money for support of new Marshall plan appropriations, always mindful, of course, of Mr. Acheson's plan to drive a wedge between the Chinese and Moscow, and his wish to avoid any revival of imperialist nightmares throughout the Orient. Mr. Acheson is very convinced that the victories of Communism in China will be short-lived and South Asia will not fall